< title>Wilson on the League

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A speech by President Wilson , September 25, 1919, to an audience of more than 3,000 people in the Memorial Hall, San Pueblo, Colorado.

The speech was the last of a large number of speeches he gave trying to change US public opinion in favour of the League; that evening, at 10pm, he suffered a stroke which was the end of his political career.

 

 

WILSON EXPLAINS THE LEAGUE

 

 

 

Mr.  Chairman and fellow countrymen: It is with a great deal of genuine pleasure that I find myself in Pueblo... 

I want to tell you a few very simple things about the treaty and the covenant.  

 

At the front of this great treaty is put the Covenant of the League of Nations.  It will also be at the front of the Austrian, treaty and the Hungarian treaty and the Bulgarian treaty and the treaty with Turkey.  Every one of them will contain the Covenant of the League of Nations, because you cannot work any of them without the Covenant of the League of Nations.  Unless you get the united, concerted purpose and power of the great Governments of the world behind this settlement, it will fall down like a house of cards.  There is only one power to put behind the liberation of mankind, and that is the power of mankind.  It is the power of the united moral forces of the world, and in the Covenant of the League of Nations the moral forces of the world are mobilized. 

For what purpose?  Reflect, my fellow citizens, that the membership of this great League is going to include all the great fighting nations of the world, as well as the weak ones.  It is not for the present going to include Germany, but for the time being Germany is not a great fighting country.  All the nations that have power that can be mobilized are going to be members of this League, including the United States. 

And what do they unite for?  They enter into a solemn promise to one another that they will never use their power against one anther for aggression; that they never will impair the territorial integrity of a neighbor; that they never will interfere with the political independence of a neighbor; that they will abide by the principle that great populations are entitled to determine their own destiny and that they will not interfere with that destiny; and that no matter what differences arise amongst them they will never resort to war without first having done one or other of two things-

•  either submitted the matter of controversy to arbitration, in which case they agree to abide by the result without question,

•  or submitted it to the consideration of the council of the League of Nations, laying before that council all the documents, all the facts, agreeing that the council can publish the documents and the facts to the whole world, agreeing that there shall be six months allowed for the mature consideration of those facts by the council, and agreeing that at the expiration of the six months, even if they are not then ready to accept the advice of the council with regard to the settlement of the dispute, they will still not go to war for another three months.  In other words, they consent, no matter what happens, to submit every matter of difference between them to the judgment of mankind, and just so certainly as they do that, my fellow citizens, war will be in the far background, war will be pushed out of that foreground of terror in which it has kept the world for generation after generation, and men will know that there will be a calm time of deliberate counsel. 

 

The most dangerous thing for a bad cause is to expose it to the opinion of the world.  The most certain way that you can prove that a man is mistaken is by letting all his neighbors know what he thinks, by letting all his neighbors discuss what he thinks, and if he is in the wrong you will notice that he will stay at home, he will not walk on the street.  He will be afraid of the eyes of his neighbors.  He will be afraid of their judgment of his character.  He will know that his cause is lost unless he can sustain it by the arguments of right and of justice.  The same law that applies to individuals applies to nations... 

 

I want to give you a very simple account of the organization of the League of Nations and let you judge for yourselves.  It is a very simple organization.  The power of the League, or rather the activities of the league, lie in two bodies. 

There is the council, which consists of one representative from each of the principal allied and associated powers-that is to say, the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan, along with four other representatives of smaller powers chosen out of the general body of the membership of the League.  The council is the source of every active policy of the League, and no active policy of the League can be adopted without a unanimous vote of the council... 

The assembly is the talking body.  The assembly was created in order that anybody that purposed anything wrong should be subjected to the awkward circumstance that everybody could talk about it.  This is the great assembly in which all the things that are likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations are to be exposed to the general view... 

 

Well you come to the heart of the Covenant, my fellow citizens, you will End it in article ten.  Article ten is the heart of the whole matter.  What is article ten?  Article ten provides that every member of the league covenants to respect and preserve the territorial integrity and existing political independence of every other member of the league as against external aggression...  Article ten strikes at the taproot of war... 

Don't you remember that we laid down fourteen points which should contain the principles of the settlement?  When it came to that critical period just a little less than a year ago, when it was evident that the war was coming to its critical end, all the nations engaged in the war accepted those fourteen principles explicitly as the basis of the armistice and the basis of the peace.  In those circumstances I crossed the ocean under bond to my own people and to the other governments with which I was dealing.  The whole specification of the method of settlement was written down and accepted before hand, and we were architects building on those specifications. 

What of our pledges to the men that lie dead in France?  We said that they went over there not to prove the prowess of America or her readiness for another war but to see to it that there never was such a war again.  It always seems to make it difficult for me to say anything, my fellow citizens, when I think of my clients in this case.  My clients are the children; my clients are the next generation.  They do not know what promises and bonds I undertook when I ordered the armies of the United States to the soil of France, but I know, and I intend to redeem my pledges to the children; they shall not be sent upon a similar errand... 

 

My friends, on last Decoration day I went to a beautiful hillside near Paris, where was located the cemetery of Suresnes, a cemetery given over to the burial of the American dead.  Behind me all the slopes was rank upon rank of living American soldiers, and lying before me upon the levels of the plain was rank upon rank of departed American soldiers...  I wish some men in public life who are now opposing the settlement for which these men died could visit such a spot as that.  I wish that they could feel the moral obligation that rests upon us not to go back on those boys, but to see the thing through, to see it through to the end and make good their redemption of the world.  For nothing less depends upon this decision, nothing less than liberation and salvation of the world. 

You will say, "Is the League an absolute guaranty against war?"  No; I do not know any absolute guaranty against the errors of human judgment or the violence of human passions but I tell you this: If it is not an absolute insurance against war, do you want no insurance at all?  Do you want nothing?  Do you want not only no probability that war will not recur, but the probability that it will recur?  The arrangements of justice do not stand of themselves, my fellow citizens.  the arrangements of this treaty are just, but they need the support of the combined power of the great nations of the world.  And they will have that support...  There is one thing that the American people always rise to and extend their hand to, and that is the truth of justice and of liberty and of peace.  We have accepted that truth and we are going to be led by it, and it is going to lead us, and through us the world, out into pastures of quietness and peace such as the world never dreamed of before.